Last testament of a terrorist

[Pharoh]

Here is a letter sent by now murdered Chechen terrorist leader Aslan Maskhadov.

*For the attention of Mr Javier Solana, High Representative of the European
Union for Foreign Policy and Community Security.*

*Chechnya, 25 February 2005*

Dear High Representative

While no day passes without making new victims among the civilian
population of Chechnya, and among Russian and Chechen combatants, and while
Chechens * women, children, men * are subjected to the most dreadful
atrocities, those of us who have survived, myself included, have recently
commemorated the sad, tenth anniversary of the military offensive launched
against the Chechen people by President Yeltsin.

Out of the one million inhabitants who then lived in Chechnya, more than
200,000 are dead, 300,000 are refugees from my country, and tens of
thousands within my country have been displaced; tens of thousands are
suffering the consequences of injuries or torture; and thousands of others
are detained in prisons and “filtration camps” run by Russian armed forces
or their Chechen collaborators awaiting either ransom or death resulting
from torture or nameless privations.

As you are aware, I have continually reiterated, since the start of what is
known as the Second Chechen War, in the autumn of 1999, my wish to resolve
the conflict and all points of difference between the Russian side and the
Chechen side by means of a dialogue with the Russian authorities. To this
day, these repeated requests for negotiations have gone unanswered by those
authorities, save for some oratory about an unreal “normalisation.”

In March 2003, through the agency of my Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr
Ilyas Akhmadov, I published a peace proposal which, reinforced by the
international community’s experience in Eastern Timor and in Kosovo, could
have brought a new contribution to the resolution of this conflict by
taking full account of the legitimate interests and security needs of the
Russian side, and of the three demands which the Chechen side can never
give up: an international guarantee mechanism, in one form or another, to
be agreed by both sides; direct involvement of the international community,
during a transitional period, in the construction of a democratic state
subject to the rule of law, and in the material reconstruction of my
country; and at the end of the transition period, the taking of a final
decision in accordance with international norms on the status of Chechnya.

Regrettably, this proposal, like those which preceded it, and like the most
recent attempt * the unilateral cease-fire that I ordered at the beginning
of the year * did not produce any reaction from the authorities in Moscow
other than a renewed flight down the path of so-called “normalisation” of
the tragedy of my people, with its parade of fraudulent elections,
enhancement of military operations, and atrocities carried out against the
civilian population.

I have followed, with the fullest attention possible to me in my position
as Resistance President, the events in Ukraine, the “orange revolution”,
and the role * which appeared to me decisive * of the European Union in its
satisfactory outcome. I noted in particular how Europe can be strong and
effective when it decides to speak with one voice, through the involvement
of different heads of state or government leaders, or through the
intervention of its High Representative for Foreign Policy and Community
Security.

I am by no means unaware of the complexity of relationships with the great
country of the Russian Federation, and the political and economic
importance of those relationships. On the contrary, I believe it is
precisely because these relationships are of such importance for the
European Union that I see it as fundamental and urgent that they should be
constructed on the only sure foundation: that of liberty, democracy and the
rule of law. Unfortunately, as events in Ukraine have recently shown, and
as the antidemocratic drift in Russia has indicated for too many years
already, and as the tragedy endured by my people for ten years clearly
demonstrates, this sure foundation does not exist in Russia.

On the subject of the daily-recurring, massive terrorism perpetrated by the
Russian state and its Chechen acolytes, I will say nothing. As to the
terrorist acts carried out by fringe elements of the Chechen Resistance, I
have as you know always condemned them. I will continue to do so. The fact
remains that this terrorism has no similarity with fundamentalist
international terrorism. It is carried out in desperation by people who,
for the most part, have lost their near and dear ones in atrocious
circumstances, and who believe it is appropriate to respond to the
aggressor by using his methods. That is not my point of view, and never
will be. In fact I have done all that was in my power to ensure that the
actions of the Chechen Resistance adhered strictly within the confines of
the international laws of war. When I fail to prevent terrorist acts, I
fail only in circumstances where no one could succeed. The terrorism taking
place in Chechnya, whether carried out by the occupying forces or by
isolated elements of the Chechen Resistance, is born out of and nourished
by war, by the most heinous acts of violence, and by the massive, daily
violations of the most fundamental of rights. Only peace and democracy can
make it disappear.

I do not wish to exaggerate the importance of my people in world and
European affairs. It is a fact, however, that it is today the victim of a
slow extermination, and that the Chechen question represents to the Moscow
authorities a key element in the work of deconstructing democracy and the
rule of law, or, if you prefer, of building an authoritarian state * a
pseudo-democratic state, one that is beyond democracy.

I know that, just as my country is not Kosovo, Russia is not Serbia. But I
know, because I have seen it during the crisis in Ukraine, that when the
European Union is animated by will-power it is capable of making a powerful
contribution to the prevention of something that had seemed unavoidable.
That is why I am now suggesting that, through you, the European Union
should take on the task of confronting the question of the Chechen tragedy,
in order to create the conditions in which, under the auspices of the
European Union and of any other state or international organisation it may
be appropriate to involve, real negotiations between my government and the
government of President Putin can at last be entered into.

In order to develop these ideas further I shall be very pleased if you will
agree to meet * since I am not at present able to attend such a meeting *
Mr Umar Khanbiev, my General Representative in Europe, and the Minister of
Health in my government.

Aslan Maskhadov
President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria



For those possibly unaware, Maskhadov was killed by FSB forces on March 8th. Russia paid a $10 million bounty for the information which led to his death.

He certainly had an interesting view of himself and the situation around him.

[VinVega]

A fairly eloquent letter. Too bad words and deeds are much too far apart on his side of the struggle.

[kvrdave]

When you read it, it sounds nice. Then you remember that this is the side that takes children hostage.

[bhk]

Then you remember that this is the side that takes children hostage....
...and shoots them in the back while they are running away.

[classicman2]

Certainly not to start an argument, but do you remember what a former Israli PM did in his younger days?

Also do you remember what his Egyptian counterpart did in his younger days?

;)

[eXcentris]

Certainly not to start an argument, but do you remember what a former Israli PM did in his younger days?

;)

Nahhhh, he was a good terrorist you see. :)

[Aldarion]

Maskhadov was a moderate before, and used to be Chechnya's best hope for a leader. His downfall was in not being able to control the radical Chechen elements, and as the war resumed he threw his lot in with the Chechen guerrillas and terrorists.

I don't think either side looks good in this. The Chechens have committed acts of terrorism such as Beslan and the Moscow theater attack. The Russians have committed many atrocities over the past decade in Chechnya.

As this article notes, Maskhadov's death likely wasn't much of a victory. It's a brutally messy conflict that can't be labelled as just fighting terrorism. The Chechen forces contain vile terrorists, separatists and many other groups.

--------------------

http://economist.com/agenda/displayStory.cfm?Story_ID=3738229

A misguided strike at the rebels’ heart
The Economist Global Agenda
March 10, 2005


Go to Original article


The conflict in Russia’s rebellious southern republic of Chechnya took a dramatic turn on Tuesday March 8th, when Russian special forces tracked down Aslan Maskhadov, the leader of Chechnya’s separatist fighters, who was killed during the raid. According to Russian media reports, one of Mr Maskhadov’s captured followers had led the Russian troops to his hideout, a concrete bunker under a building in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt, north of the Chechen capital, Grozny. Accounts differ as to what killed Mr Maskhadov: the Russians say it was one of their grenades, while a Chechen politician has claimed he was shot accidentally by one of his bodyguards.

Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, hailed the assassination as a blow against terrorism. Others said the Kremlin had shot itself in the foot by removing a man who, unlike many of his rebel colleagues, was prepared to talk peace. Others still speculated that this was precisely what Mr Putin had wanted to achieve: by doing away with the relatively moderate Mr Maskhadov, their thinking goes, the Russian leader can prolong a conflict that allows him to portray himself as a leading player in the international “war on terror”.

Whatever Mr Putin’s intentions, Chechnya’s rebels, who want independence for their mainly Muslim territory in the North Caucasus, hailed Mr Maskhadov as a martyr and made it clear that they will fight on against Russia's forces. Mr Maskhadov's London-based envoy, Akhmed Zakayev, said a successor to the murdered leader would be named within days. A statement posted on a rebel website told field commanders and fighting units to continue with planned missions in the coming weeks.

Though Russia had branded him a terrorist, Mr Maskhadov was one of the more conciliatory voices in Chechnya’s rebel camp. A former colonel in the Soviet army, he added his weight to the Chechen independence movement in the early 1990s. He was at the forefront of peace talks with Moscow in 1996, in the wake of an invasion of Chechnya by Russian troops, and his pragmatism was said to have impressed Russian negotiators. He was democratically elected as Chechen president in 1997, partly on his war record but also because he was less radical than his opponents and thus offered a better chance of ending the conflict. But Chechnya splintered on his watch, with warlords taking control of much of the republic, and he became increasingly powerless. After Russian troops went in again in 1999, Mr Maskhadov took control of the rebel forces. However, he often invited Mr Putin to hold talks with him, saying a peaceful solution to the conflict could be worked out in a matter of minutes. The Russian leader refused, saying he did not talk to terrorists.

The next leader of the Chechen resistance is unlikely to be as willing as Mr Maskhadov to hold out olive branches. One strong contender is Shamil Basayev, a ruthless guerrilla warlord. Unlike Mr Maskhadov, the 40-year-old Mr Basayev believes Russian civilians, including children, are legitimate targets: “Russians are accomplices in this war. It is just that they don’t all have weapons in their hands,” he told Britain’s Channel 4 television in an interview last month.

Mr Basayev was probably behind the bombing of a Moscow metro station in February last year, which killed around 40. And he has masterminded numerous raids and sieges, including the hostage-taking at a school in the southern Russian town of Beslan last September, in which more than 320 died, half of them children, after Russian special forces stormed the building. The Russian authorities also linked Mr Maskhadov to the Beslan siege, though he publicly denied involvement and said that Mr Basayev should go on trial for the massacre after the conflict was over.

A devout Muslim, Mr Basayev is said to be more interested in spreading militant Islam than in winning independence for Chechnya. Were he to take over as Chechnya’s rebel leader, it could play into the hands of Mr Putin, who has sought to define the conflict as his very own war on international Islamist terrorism—despite Russia’s terror problem in fact being overwhelmingly home-grown.


A long and bloody history

Mr Putin was prime minister when, in September 1999, Moscow and two other Russian cities were hit by a mysterious wave of bombings. Though there was no proof of Chechen involvement, the bombings (and an incursion into neighbouring Dagestan by Mr Basayev) gave Mr Putin the backing he needed to launch a second invasion of the republic since its declaration of independence in 1991. He seemed undeterred by the abject failure of the first invasion, in 1994-96. The deceptive initial successes of Mr Putin’s military campaign helped him win the presidency in March 2000.

Mr Putin has been claiming since 2002 that the military operation in Chechnya is over and that normality is returning. But the rebels still control large chunks of the region and thousands of Russian troops remain there. In March 2003, in a referendum marred by irregularities, Chechens supposedly voted overwhelmingly to accept Mr Putin’s offer of limited autonomy within Russia. In October of that year, a blatantly rigged election installed Akhmad Kadyrov, a former ally of the rebels who had come over to Moscow’s side, as president of Chechnya. However, Kadyrov was assassinated in May 2004. The subsequent election, as expected, was won by Mr Putin’s candidate, Alu Alkhanov. Equally predictably, the poll was marred by ballot-stuffing and fraud.

Under Mr Alkhanov, the Chechen conflict has remained a many-sided power struggle between the Kadyrov militia (now controlled by the ex-president’s son, Ramzan), rebel groups and federal forces, and factions within these. Many Russian military commanders would be happy to see the conflict continue indefinitely, having made lots of money during it from lucrative scams such as oil smuggling.

Chechnya has long been a thorn in Moscow’s side. It was one of the mini-nations that Russia swallowed up in the 18th and 19th centuries. After the communist revolution, the Chechens initially accepted Soviet rule but later staged a series of uprisings. Though many Chechens fought valiantly in the Soviet army during the second world war, Stalin accused them of supporting the Germans and deported the entire Chechen population to Kazakhstan, where at least 100,000 died of cold and hunger (and where Mr Maskhadov was born and lived until he was seven).

In 1991, as the Soviet Union was breaking up, a son of one of those deported families, Jokar Dudayev, led the overthrow of Chechnya’s regional government and declared independence. Disorder ensued, and in 1994 President Boris Yeltsin sent in his troops, only to be forced to retreat after perhaps 14,000 of them had been slaughtered. Mr Putin’s attempt at crushing the rebellion has proved just as disastrous. Military casualties are approaching those of the earlier invasion, and of the million or so Chechens who lived there before the conflict began, hundreds of thousands have either been killed or fled. Unfortunately, the killing of Mr Maskhadov will do nothing to hasten the end of this long and terrible war.